HOME WEB NEWS IMAGES CLASSIFIEDS YELLOW PAGESPOLLS - SURVEYS WIKI COUNTRIES PHOTOS US UK INDIA
Cities Stocks Weather Movies Coupons Travel Blogs Health Horoscope Maps ASIA EUROPE Classifieds Yellow Pages
 1
|
This article is about the constituent country. For the European constituency, see Northern Ireland (European Parliament constituency).
| Northern Ireland (English) Tuaisceart Éireann (Irish) Norlin Airlann (Ulster Scots) |
||
|---|---|---|
| Anthem: "God Save the Queen" "Londonderry Air" (de facto) |
||
Location of Northern Ireland (orange) – on the European continent (camel & white) |
||
| Capital (and largest city) | Belfast | |
| Official languages | English (de facto), Irish and Ulster Scots1 | |
| Government | Constitutional monarchy Consociationalism |
|
| - | Monarch | Queen Elizabeth II |
| - | Prime Minister (of the United Kingdom) | Gordon Brown MP |
| - | First Minister | Ian Paisley MLA |
| - | Deputy First Minister | Martin McGuinness MLA |
| - | Secretary of State | Shaun Woodward MP |
| Establishment | ||
| - | Government of Ireland Act | 1920 |
| Area | ||
| - | Total | 13,843 km² 5,345 sq mi |
| Population | ||
| - | 2004 estimate | 1,710,300 |
| - | 2001 census | 1,685,267 |
| - | Density | 122/km² 315/sq mi |
| GDP (PPP) | 2002 estimate | |
| - | Total | $33.2 billion |
| - | Per capita | $19,603 |
| Currency | Pound sterling (GBP) |
|
| Time zone | GMT (UTC+0) | |
| - | Summer (DST) | BST (UTC+1) |
| Internet TLD | .uk2 | |
| Calling code | +443 | |
| Patron saint | St Patrick4 | |
| 1 | Officially recognised languages: Northern Ireland has no official language; the use of English has been established through precedent. Irish and Ulster Scots are officially recognised minority languages | |
| 2 | Also .eu, as part of the European Union, and .ie shared with Republic of Ireland. ISO 3166-1 is GB, but .gb is unused. | |
| 3 | +44 is always followed by 28 when calling landlines. The code is 028 within the UK and 048 from the Republic of Ireland | |
| 4 | In common with the Republic of Ireland. | |
Northern Ireland (Irish: Tuaisceart Éireann, Ulster Scots: Norlin Airlann) is a constituent country of the United Kingdom, lying in the northeast of the island of Ireland, covering 5,459 square miles (14,139 km²), about a sixth of the island\'s total area.The Northern Ireland Act 1998 describes Northern Ireland as "part of the United Kingdom". The term "constituent country" is sometimes applied to Northern Ireland by Unionists and British sources. [1] [2].The term is rejected by most[citation needed] Irish Nationalists. At the time of the UK Census in April 2001, its population was 1,685,000, between a quarter and a third of the island\'s total population.
Northern Ireland consists of six of the nine counties of the province of Ulster. In the UK, it is generally known as one of the four Home Nations that form the Kingdom. Some of these terms have controversial implications in relation to political ideologies concerning the constitutional status of Northern Ireland.
As an administrative division of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland was defined by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and has had its own form of devolved government in a similar manner to Scotland and Wales. The Northern Ireland Assembly, established in 1998, has been suspended multiple times but was restored on 8 May, 2007."Historic return for NI Assembly", BBC news, 2007-05-08. Retrieved on 2007-05-08. The Assembly operates on consociational democracy principles requiring cross community support. Due to a lack of cross party support, the Assembly was prorogued by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland\'s legal system descends from the pre-1920 Irish legal system (as does the legal system of the Republic of Ireland), and is therefore based on common law. It is separate from the jurisdictions of England and Wales or Scotland.pdf filePDF (64.6 KiB) "For the purposes of the English conflict of laws, every country in the world which is not part of England and Wales is a foreign country and its foreign laws. This means that not only totally foreign independent countries such as France or Russia... are foreign countries but also British Colonies such as the Falkland Islands. Moreover, the other parts of the United Kingdom - Scotland and Northern Ireland - are foreign countries for present purposes, as are the other British Islands, the Isle of Man, Jersey and Guernsey." Conflict of Laws, JG Collier, Fellow of Trinity Hall and lecturer in Law, University of Cambridge
Northern Ireland has been for many years the site of a violent and bitter ethno-political conflict between those claiming to represent Nationalists, who are predominantly Catholic, and those claiming to represent Unionists, who are predominantly Protestant.Northern Ireland LIFE & TIMES survey. Question: Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as a unionist, nationalist or neither?, ARK Research, 2005 In general, Nationalists want Northern Ireland to be unified with the Republic of Ireland, and Unionists want it to remain part of the United Kingdom. Unionists are in the majority in Northern Ireland, though Nationalists represent a significant minority. In general, Protestants consider themselves British and Catholics see themselves as Irish but there are some who see themselves as both British and Irish. People from Northern Ireland are entitled to both British and Irish citizenship (see Citizenship and Identity). The campaigns of violence have become known popularly as The Troubles. The majority of both sides of the community have had no direct involvement in the violent campaigns waged. Since the signing of the Belfast Agreement (also known as the Good Friday Agreement or the G.F.A.) in 1998, many of the major paramilitary campaigns have either been on ceasefire or have declared their war to be over.
Contents |
For events before 1900 see Ulster or History of Ireland.
The area now known as Northern Ireland has had a diverse history. From serving as the bedrock of Irish resistance in the era of the plantations of Queen Elizabeth and James I in other parts of Ireland, it became the subject of major planting of Scottish and English settlers after the Flight of the Earls in 1607 (when the Gaelic aristocracy fled to Catholic Europe).
The all-island Kingdom of Ireland (1541—1800) merged into the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801 under the terms of the Act of Union, under which the kingdoms of Ireland and Great Britain merged under a government and monarchy based in London. In the early 20th century, Unionists, led by Sir Edward Carson (generally regarded as the founder of Northern Ireland), opposed the introduction of Home Rule in Ireland. Unionists were in a minority on the island of Ireland as a whole, but were a majority in the northern province of Ulster, a very large majority in the counties of Antrim and Down, small majorities in the counties of Armagh and Londonderry, with substantial numbers also concentrated in the nationalist-majority counties of Fermanagh and Tyrone. These six counties, containing an overall unionist majority, would later form Northern Ireland.
The clash between the House of Commons and House of Lords over the controversial budget of Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd-George produced the Parliament Act 1911, which enabled the veto of the Lords to be overturned. Given that the Lords had been the unionists\' main guarantee that a home rule act would not be enacted, because of the majority of pro-unionist peers in the House, the Parliament Act made Home Rule a likely prospect in Ireland. Opponents to Home Rule, from Conservative Party leaders like Andrew Bonar Law to militant unionists in Ireland, threatened the use of violence, producing the Larne Gun Running incident in 1912, when they smuggled thousands of rifles and rounds of ammunition from Imperial Germany for the Ulster Volunteer Force. Lord Randolph Churchill famously told a unionist audience in Ulster that "Ulster will fight, and Ulster will be right".
| Prime Ministers of Northern Ireland |
|---|
| Lord Craigavon (1922–1940) |
| John Miller Andrews (1940–1943) |
| Lord Brookeborough (1943–1963) |
| Captain Terence O\'Neill (1963–1969) |
| James Chichester-Clark (1969–1971) |
| Brian Faulkner (1971–1972) |
The prospect of civil war in Ireland was seen by some as likely.[citation needed] In 1914, the Third Home Rule Act, which contained provision for a temporary partition, received the Royal Assent. Its implementation was suspended for the duration of the intervening First World War, which was expected to last only a few weeks, but, in fact, lasted four years.
By the end of the war, the Act was seen as dead in the water, with public opinion in the majority nationalist community having moved from a demand for home rule to something more substantial: independence. David Lloyd George proposed in 1919 a new bill which would divide Ireland into two Home Rule areas, twenty-six counties being ruled from Dublin, six being ruled from Belfast, with a shared Lord Lieutenant of Ireland appointing both executives and a Council of Ireland, which Lloyd George believed would evolve into an all-Ireland parliament.[citation needed]
The island of Ireland was partitioned in 1921 under the terms of the Government of Ireland Act 1920.Northern Ireland became a distinct region of the United Kingdom, by Order in Council on 3 May 1921 (SR&O 1921, No. 533). It did not become a state (or pejoratively, a statelet). Its constitutional roots remain the Act of Union, two complimentary Acts, one passed by the Parliament of Great Britain, the other by the Parliament of Ireland. Six of the nine Ulster counties in the north-east formed Northern Ireland and the remaining three counties joined those of Leinster, Munster and Connacht to form Southern Ireland. Whilst Southern Ireland had only a brief existence between 1921 and 1922, a period dominated by the Anglo-Irish War and its aftermath, Northern Ireland was to continue on.
Northern Ireland provisionally became an autonomous part of the Irish Free State on 6 December 1922. However, as expected, the Parliament of Northern Ireland chose, under the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, to opt out of the Irish Free State the following day.On 7 December 1922 (the day after the establishment of the Irish Free State) the Parliament resolved to make the following address to the King so as to opt out of the Irish Free State: ”MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, We, your Majesty\'s most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Senators and Commons of Northern Ireland in Parliament assembled, having learnt of the passing of the Irish Free State Constitution Act, 1922, being the Act of Parliament for the ratification of the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland, do, by this humble Address, pray your Majesty that the powers of the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer extend to Northern Ireland". Source: Northern Ireland Parliamentary Report, 7 December 1922 and Anglo-Irish Treaty, sections 11, 12 Shortly after Northern Ireland had exercised its opt out of the Irish Free State, a Boundary Commission was established to decide on the territorial boundaries between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Though leaders in Dublin expected a substantial reduction in the territory of Northern Ireland (with nationalist areas like south Armagh, Tyrone, southern County Londonderry and urban territories like Derry and Newry moving to the Free State), the Boundary Commission decided against this. This decision was approved by the Dail in Dublin on 10 December 1925 by a vote of 71 to 20.Dáil Éireann - Volume 13 - 10 December, 1925.
In June 1940, to encourage the Irish state to join with the Allies, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill indicated to the Taoiseach Éamon de Valera that the United Kingdom would push for Irish unity, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de Valera declined the offer."Anglo-Irish Relations, 1939—41: A Study in Multilateral Diplomacy and Military Restraint" in Twentieth Century British History (Oxford Journals, 2005). ISSN 1477-4674. The British did not inform the Northern Ireland government that they had made the offer to the Dublin government, and De Valera\'s rejection was not publicized until 1970.
The Ireland Act 1949 gave the first legal guarantee to the Parliament and Government that Northern Ireland would not cease to be part of the United Kingdom without consent of the majority of its citizens, and this was most recently reaffirmed by the Northern Ireland Act 1998. This status was echoed in the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, which was signed by the governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. Bunreacht na hÉireann, the constitution of the Republic, was amended in 1999 to remove a claim of the "Irish nation" to sovereignty over the whole of Ireland (in Article 2), a claim qualified by an acknowledgement that the southern state only could exercise legal control over the territory formerly known as the Irish Free State. The new Articles 2 and 3, added to the Bunreacht to replace the earlier articles, implicitly acknowledge that the status of Northern Ireland, and its relationships within the United Kingdom and with the Republic of Ireland, would only be changed with the agreement of a majority of voters in Northern Ireland. An acknowledgement that a decision on whether to remain in the United Kingdom or join the Republic of Ireland rests with the people of Northern Ireland was also central to the Belfast Agreement, which was signed in 1998 and ratified by plebiscites held simultaneously in both Northern Ireland and the Republic. A plebiscite within Northern Ireland on whether it should remain in the United Kingdom, or join the Republic, was held in 1973. The vote went heavily in favour (98.9%) of maintaining the status quo with approximately 57.5% of the total electorate voting in support, but most nationalists boycotted the poll (see Northern Ireland referendum, 1973 for more). Though legal provision remains for holding another plebiscite, and former Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble some years ago advocated the holding of such a vote, no plans for such a vote have been adopted as of 2007.
8 May 2007 Home rule returned to Northern Ireland. DUP leader Ian Paisley and Sinn Féin\'s Martin McGuinness took office as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively (BBC).
27 February 2008 Northern Irish County Down was affected by a 5.3 magnitude earthquake which originated in Lincolnshire http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7266245.stm.
Bombings in Great Britain tended to have had more publicity, since attacks there were comparatively rare (in the context of the troubles); indeed 93% of killings happened in Northern Ireland. Republican paramilitaries have contributed to nearly 60% (2056) of these. Loyalists have killed nearly 28% (1020) while the security forces have killed just over 11% (362), with 9% of the total (296) attributed to the British Army.
Civilians account for the highest death toll at 53% or 1798 fatalities. Loyalist paramilitaries account for a higher proportion of civilian deaths (those with no military or paramilitary connection) according to figures published in Malcolm Sutton’s book, “Bear in Mind These Dead: An Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland 1969 - 1993”. According to research undertaken by the CAIN organisation, based on Sutton\'s work, 85.6% (873) of Loyalist killings, 52.9% (190) by the security forces and 35.9% (738) of all killings by Republican paramilitaries took the lives of civilians between 1969 and 2001. The disparity of a relatively high civilian death toll yet low Republican percentage is explained by the fact that they also had a high combatants\' death toll.
Republican paramilitaries account for a higher proportion of combatants killed (those within paramilitaries or the military) Again from Malcolm Sutton\'s research, Republicans killed 1318 combatants, the security forces killed 192 and the Loyalists killed 147. Both Republicans and Loyalists killed more of their own than each other, over twice as many for Loyalists and nearly four times as many for Republicans.
80 people, mainly civilians, have died without any organisation claiming responsibility. The British Army has also lost 14 soldiers to Loyalists while the security forces overall in the Republic have lost 10 to Republicans.
According to a submission by Marie Smith to the Northern Ireland Commission on Victims, 40,000 people have also been injured, though she believes that to be a conservative figure.
Communities in northern Ireland - 1991 census.
| Northern Ireland |
 This article is part of the series: |
|
|
| In Northern Ireland |
|---|
|
List of Acts First Minister: Ian Paisley |
| In the United Kingdom |
|
Committees: Affairs - Grand |
| Organisations |
|
British-Irish Council |
| See also |
|
Belfast Agreement (1998) Segregation in Northern Ireland |
|
Other countries · Atlas Politics Portal |
The population of Northern Ireland was estimated as being 1,710,300 on 30 June 2004. In the 2001 census, 45.6% of the population identified as belonging to Protestant denominations (of which 20.7% Presbyterian, 15.3% Church of Ireland), 40.3% identified as Catholic, 0.3% identified with non-Christian religions and 13.9% identified with no religion. Northern Ireland Census 2001, Table KS07a: Religion In terms of community background, 53.1% of the Northern Irish population came from a Protestant background, 43.8% came from a Catholic background, 0.4% from non-Christian backgrounds and 2.7% non-religious backgrounds.Northern Ireland Census 2001, Table KS07b: Community background: religion or religion brought up inBBC News: Fascination of religion head count The population is forecast to pass the 1.8 million mark by 2011.Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency population projections
A plurality of the present-day population (40%) define themselves as Unionist, 22% as Nationalist and 35% define themselves as neither.Ark survey, 2005. Answer to the question "Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as a unionist, a nationalist or neither?" According to a 2005 opinion poll, 58% express long term preference of the maintenance of Northern Ireland\'s membership of the United Kingdom, while 23% express a preference for membership of a united Ireland.Ark survey, 2005. Answers to the question "Do you think the long-term policy for Northern Ireland should be for it [one of the following" This discrepancy can be explained by the overwhelming preference among Protestants to remain a part of the UK (85%), while Catholic preferences are spread across a number of solutions to the constitutional question including remaining a part of the UK (25%), a united Ireland (50%), Northern Ireland becoming an independent state (9%), and "don\'t know" (14%).Ark survey, 2005. Answers to the question "Do you think the long-term policy for Northern Ireland should be for it to [one of the following" Official voting figures, which reflect views on the "national question" along with issues of candidate, geography, personal loyalty and historic voting patterns, show 54% of Northern Ireland voters vote for Pro-Unionist parties, 42% vote for Pro-Nationalist parties and 4% vote "other". Opinion polls consistently show that the election results are not necessarily an indication of the electorate\'s stance regarding the constitutional status of Northern Ireland.
Most of the population of Northern Ireland are at least nominally Christian. The ethno-political loyalties are allied, though not absolutely, to the Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations and these are the labels used to categorise the opposing views. This is, however, becoming increasingly irrelevant as the Irish Question is very complicated. Many voters (regardless of religious affiliation) are attracted to Unionism\'s conservative policies, while other voters are instead attracted to the traditionally leftist, nationalist Sinn Féin and Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and their respective party platforms for Democratic Socialism and Social Democracy. For the most part, Protestants feel a strong connection with Great Britain and wish for Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Catholics generally desire a greater connection with the Republic of Ireland, or are less certain about how to solve the constitutional question. In a survey by Northern Ireland Life and Times, quarter of Northern Irish Catholics were said to support Northern Ireland remaining a part of the United Kingdom[citation needed] (see Catholic Unionist). Despite this no Catholics in the survey stated they would vote for the Unionist Parties and only 5% would vote for the Alliance Party.[citation needed]
Protestants have a slight majority in Northern Ireland, according to the latest Northern Ireland Census.2001 Census Cultural Profile for Northern Ireland The make-up of the Northern Ireland Assembly reflects the appeals of the various parties within the population. Of the 108 members, 55 are Unionists and 44 are Nationalists (the remaining nine are classified as "other"). The largest single religious denomination is the Roman Catholic Church, which comprises a plurality, followed by the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, the Church of Ireland (Anglican) and the Methodist Church.
The two opposing views of British unionism and Irish nationalism are linked to deeper cultural divisions. Unionists are overwhelmingly Protestant, descendants of mainly Scottish, English, Welsh and Huguenot settlers and indigenous Irishmen who had converted to one of the Protestant denominations.
Nationalists are predominantly Catholic and descend from the population predating the settlement, with a minority from Scottish Highlanders as well as some converts from Protestantism. Discrimination against nationalists under the Stormont government (1921–1972) gave rise to the nationalist civil rights movement in the 1960s.Professor John H. Whyte paper on discrimination in Northern Ireland Some Unionists argue that any discrimination was not just because of religious or political bigotry, but also the result of more complex socio-economic, socio-political and geographical factors.CAIN website key issues discrimination summary Whatever the cause, the existence of discrimination, and the manner in which Nationalist anger at it was handled, was a major contributing factor which led to the long-running conflict known as the Troubles. The political unrest went through its most violent phase in recent times between 1968 and 1994.Lord Scarman, "Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969: Report of Tribunal of Inquiry" Belfast: HMSO, Cmd 566. (known as the Scarman Report)
The main actors have been the Provisional Irish Republican Army and other republican groups who wish to bring about an end of the union with Great Britain, and various loyalist paramilitary groups who wish to maintain the union. The police force (the Royal Ulster Constabulary) and the British army were charged with maintaining law and order, though were frequently attacked by the nationalist community and republican paramilitaries who claimed that they were protagonists in the conflict.
As a consequence of the worsening security situation, self-government for Northern Ireland was suspended in 1972. Since mid-1997, the main paramilitary group, the Provisional IRA, has observed a ceasefire. Following negotiations, the Belfast Agreement of 1998 provides for an elected Northern Ireland Assembly, and a power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive comprising representatives of all the main parties. These institutions were suspended by the British Government in 2002 after Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) allegations of spying by people working for Sinn Féin at the Assembly (Stormontgate). The resulting case against the accused Sinn Féin member collapsed and the defendant later admitted to being a British agent. Politicians elected to the Assembly at the 2003 Assembly Election were called together on 15 May 2006 under the Northern Ireland Act 2006 Northern Ireland Act 2006 (c. 17) for the purpose of electing a First Minister and Deputy First Minister and choosing the members of an Executive (before 25 November, 2006) as a preliminary to the restoration of devolved government in Northern Ireland. Another election was held on 7 March 2007 and this Assembly sat following the return of devolved government in May 2007
On 28 July 2005, the Provisional IRA declared an end to its campaign and has since decommissioned what is thought to be all of its arsenal. This final act of decommissioning was performed in accordance with the Belfast Agreement of 1998, and under the watch of the International Decommissioning Body and two external church witnesses. Many unionists, however, remain sceptical. This IRA decommissioning is in contrast to Loyalist paramilitaries who have so far failed to decommission many weapons. It is not thought that this will have a major effect on further political progress as political parties linked to Loyalist paramilitaries do not attract significant support and will not be in a position to form part of a government in the near future. See Independent International Commission on Decommissioning
People from Northern Ireland are British citizens on the same basis as people from any other part of the United Kingdom (e.g. by birth in the UK to at least one parent who is a UK permanent resident or citizen, or by naturalisation).
As an alternative to British citizenship (after having applied to the Home Office to have your British Citzenship annulled), or in addition to British citizenship, people who were born in Northern Ireland on or before 31 December 2004 (and most persons born after this date) are entitled to claim Irish citizenship.Untitled Document This was originally as a result of the Republic of Ireland extending Irish nationality law on an extra-territorial basis. First passed in 1956, the legislation was further developed in 2001 as a result of the Belfast Agreement of 1998, which stated that:
The two governments recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.
This was subsequently qualified by the Twenty-seventh Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland, which stated that, "notwithstanding any other provision of [the] Constitution," no-one would be automatically entitled to Irish citizenship unless they had at least one parent who was (or was entitled to be) an Irish citizen. The subsequent legislation (Irish Nationality and Citizenship Act of 2004) came into effect on 1 January 2005 and made Irish nationality law similar to British nationality law. This was in response to a large increase in the number of immigrants coming to Ireland whose children automatically acquired citizenship on birth. It was not specifically related to persons born in Northern Ireland.
Today, a constitutional right to Irish citizenship still exists for anyone who is both:
In general, Protestants in Northern Ireland see themselves primarily as being British, while Catholics regard themselves primarily as being Irish. Several studies and surveys performed between 1971 and 2006 show this.Breen, R., Devine, P. and Dowds, L. (editors), 1996. "Social Attitudes in Northern Ireland: The Fifth Report" ISBN 0-86281-593-2. Chapter 2 retrieved from http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/research/nisas/rep5c2.htm on August 24, 2006. Summary: In 1989—1994, 79% Protestants replied "British" or "Ulster", 60% of Catholics replied "Irish."Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:NINATID. Summary:72% of Protestants replied "British". 68% of Catholics replied "Irish".Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey. Module:Community Relations. Variable:BRITISH. Summary: 78% of Protestants replied "Strongly British."Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:IRISH. Summary: 77% of Catholics replied "Strongly Irish."Institute of Governance, 2006. "National identities in the UK: do they matter?" Briefing No. 16, January 2006. Retrieved from http://www.institute-of-governance.org/forum/Leverhulme/briefing_pdfs/IoG_Briefing_16.pdfPDF (211 KiB) on August 24, 2006. Extract:"Three-quarters of Northern Ireland’s Protestants regard themselves as British, but only 12 per cent of Northern Ireland’s Catholics do so. Conversely, a majority of Catholics (65%) regard themselves as Irish, whilst very few Protestants (5%) do likewise. Very few Catholics (1%) compared to Protestants (19%) claim an Ulster identity but a Northern Irish identity is shared in broadly equal measure across religious traditions."Details from attitude surveys are in Demographics and politics of Northern Ireland.[3] University of York Research Project 2002-2003 L219252024 - Public Attitudes to Devolution and National Identity in Northern Ireland[4] Northern Ireland: Constitutional Proposals and the Problem of Identity, by J. R. Archer The Review of Politics, 1978[5]PDF (131 KiB) A changed Irish nationalism? The significance of the Belfast Agreement of 1998, by Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd
This does not however, account for the complex identities within Northern Ireland, given that many of the population regard themselves as "Ulster" or "Northern Irish", either primarily, or as a secondary identity. In addition, many regard themselves as both British and Irish.[citation needed] A 1999 survey showed that 51% of Protestants felt "Not at all Irish" and 41% only "weakly Irish"Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:IRISH.
The Union Flag
Former Government of Northern Ireland 1953-72.
Former Governmental Coat of Arms of Northern Ireland 1925-72
Today, Northern Ireland comprises a diverse patchwork of communities, whose national loyalties are represented in some areas by flags flown from lamp posts. The Union Flag and former Government of Northern Ireland therefore appear in some loyalist areas, with the Irish national flag of the Republic of Ireland, the tricolour, appearing in some republican areas. Even kerbstones in some areas are painted red-white-blue or green-white-orange (or gold), depending on whether local people express unionist/loyalist or nationalist/republican sympathies.
The only official flag is the Union Flag.Statutory Rule 2000 No. 347 The former Governmental Northern Ireland banner (also known as the "Ulster Banner" or "Red Hand Flag") was based on the arms of the former Parliament of Northern Ireland, and was used by the Government of Northern Ireland and its agencies between 1953 and 1972. The Ulster Banner has not been used by the government since the abolition of the Parliament of Northern Ireland under the Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973. It remains, however used uniquely to represent Northern Ireland in certain sporting events. The arms from which the Ulster Banner derives were themselves based on the flag of Ulster.
The Union Flag and the Ulster Banner are typically only used by Unionists.Northern Irish flags from the World Flag Database Nationalists generally eschew symbols which uniquely represent Northern Ireland; some instead use the Irish Tricolour, particularly at sporting events. Many people, however, prefer to avoid flags altogether because of their divisive nature. Paramilitary groups on both sides have also developed their own flags. Some unionists also occasionally use the flags of secular and religious organisations to which they belong.
Some groups, including the Irish Rugby Football Union[citation needed] and the Church of Ireland have used the Flag of St. Patrick as a symbol of Ireland which lacks nationalist or unionist connotations. However, it is felt by some to be a loyalist flag, as it was used to represent Ireland when the whole island was part of the UK and is used by some British army regiments. Foreign flags are also found, such as the Palestinian flags in some Nationalist areas and Israeli flags in some Unionist areas, which represent general comparisons made by both sides with conflicts in the wider world.
The national anthem played at state events in Northern Ireland is "God Save the Queen". At some cross-community events, however, the "Londonderry Air" (also known as "Danny Boy") may be played as a neutral, though unofficial, substitute. At some sporting events, such as GAA matches the Irish national anthem Amhran na bhFiann is played.
At the Commonwealth Games, the Northern Ireland team uses the Ulster Banner as its flag and Danny Boy / A Londonderry Air is used as its National Anthem. The Northern Ireland football team also uses the Ulster Banner as its flag but used God Save The Queen as its national anthem.FIFA.com
Northern Irish murals have become well-known features of Northern Ireland, depicting past and present divisions, both also documenting peace and cultural diversity. Almost 2,000 murals have been documented in Northern Ireland since the 1970s (see Conflict Archive on the Internet/Murals).
Map of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland was covered by an ice sheet for most of the last ice age and on numerous previous occasions, the legacy of which can be seen in the extensive coverage of drumlins in Counties Fermanagh, Armagh, Antrim and particularly Down. The centrepiece of Northern Ireland\'s geography is Lough Neagh, at 151 square miles (392 km²) the largest freshwater lake both on the island of Ireland and in the British Isles. A second extensive lake system is centred on Lower and Upper Lough Erne in Fermanagh. The largest island of Northern Ireland is Rathlin, off the Antrim coast. Strangford Lough is the largest inlet in the British Isles, covering 150 km² (58 sq mi).
There are substantial uplands in the Sperrin Mountains (an extension of the Caledonian fold mountains) with extensive gold deposits, granite Mourne Mountains and basalt Antrim Plateau, as well as smaller ranges in South Armagh and along the Fermanagh–Tyrone border. None of the hills are especially high, with Slieve Donard in the dramatic Mournes reaching 848 m (2782 ft), Northern Ireland\'s highest point. Belfast\'s most prominent peak is Cave Hill. The volcanic activity which created the Antrim Plateau also formed the eerily geometric pillars of the Giant\'s Causeway on the north Antrim coast. Also in north Antrim are the Carrick-a-Rede Rope Bridge, Mussenden Temple and the Glens of Antrim.
The Lower and Upper River Bann, River Foyle and River Blackwater form extensive fertile lowlands, with excellent arable land also found in North and East Down, although much of the hill country is marginal and suitable largely for animal husbandry.
The valley of the River Lagan is dominated by Belfast, whose metropolitan area includes over a third of the population of Northern Ireland, with heavy urbanisation and industrialisation along the Lagan Valley and both shores of Belfast Lough.
The whole of Northern Ireland has a temperate maritime climate, rather wetter in the west than the east, although cloud cover is persistent across the region. The weather is unpredictable at all times of the year, and although the seasons are distinct, they are considerably less pronounced than in interior Europe or the eastern seaboard of North America. Average daytime maximums in Belfast are 6.5 °C (43.7 °F) in January and 17.5 °C (63.5 °F) in July. The damp climate and extensive deforestation in the 16th and 17th centuries resulted in much of the region being covered in rich green grassland.
Highest maximum temperature: 30.8 °C (87.4 °F) at Knockarevan, near Garrison, County Fermanagh on 30 June 1976 and at Belfast on 12 July 1983.
Lowest minimum temperature: -17.5 °C (0.5 °F) at Magherally, near Banbridge, County Down on 1 January 1979.British Meteorological Office figures
The Giant\'s Causeway.
Northern Ireland consists of six counties:
These counties are no longer used for local government purposes; instead there are twenty-six districts of Northern Ireland which have different geographical extents, even in the case of those named after the counties from which they derive their name. Fermanagh District Council most closely follows the borders of the county from which it takes its name. Coleraine Borough Council, on the other hand, derives its name from the town of Coleraine in County Londonderry.
Although counties are no longer used for governmental purpose, they remain a popular means of describing where places are. They are officially used while applying for an Irish Passport, which requires the applicant to state their \'County of Birth\' - which then appears in both Irish Gaelic and English on the Passport\'s information page, as opposed to the town or city of birth on the United Kingdom Passport.
The county boundaries still appear on Ordnance Survey of Northern Ireland Maps and the Phillips Street Atlases, among others. With their decline in official use, there is often confusion surrounding towns which lie near county boundaries, such as Belfast and Lisburn, which are split between counties Down and Antrim (the majority of both towns, however, being in Antrim)
The boundaries are not normally marked on signs, although some do exist, marking the Antrim/Londonderry boundary near Portrush, County Antrim.
There are 5 major settlements with city status in Northern Ireland:
Many people inside and outside Northern Ireland use other names for Northern Ireland, depending on their point of view.
Free Derry mural.
Notwithstanding the ancient realm of Dal Riata which extended into Scotland, disagreement on names, and the reading of political symbolism into the use or non-use of a word, also attaches itself to some urban centres. The most famous example is whether Northern Ireland\'s second city should be called "Derry" or "Londonderry".
Choice of language and nomenclature in Northern Ireland often reveals the cultural, ethnic and religious identity of the speaker. The first Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, Seamus Mallon, was criticised by unionist politicians for calling the region the "North of Ireland" while Sinn Féin has been criticised in some newspapers in the Republic for still referring to the "Six Counties".Sunday Independent article on Mallon and the use of "Six Counties".
Those who do not belong to any group but lean towards one side often tend to use the language of that group. Supporters of unionism in the British media (notably the Daily Telegraph and the Daily Express) regularly call Northern Ireland "Ulster".Example of Daily Telegraph use of "Ulster" in text of an article, having used "Northern Ireland" in the opening paragraph. Some nationalist and republican-leaning media outlets in Ireland (such as Daily Ireland) almost always use "North of Ireland" or the "Six Counties".Daily Ireland usage of "The North" and the "Six Counties".
Government and cultural organizations in Northern Ireland, particularly those pre-dating the 1980s, often use the word "Ulster" in their title; for example, the University of Ulster, the Ulster Museum the Ulster Orchestra, and BBC Radio Ulster.
Many news bulletins since the 1990s have opted to avoid all contentious terms and use the official name, Northern Ireland. The North is still used by some news bulletins in the Republic of Ireland, to the annoyance of some Unionists. For Northern Ireland\'s second largest city, broadcasting outlets which are unaligned to either community and broadcast to both use both names interchangeably, often starting a report with "Londonderry" and then using "Derry" in the rest of the report. However, within Northern Ireland, print media which are aligned to either community (the News Letter is aligned to the unionist community while the Irish News is aligned to the nationalist community) generally use their community\'s preferred term. British newspapers with unionist leanings, such as the Daily Telegraph, usually use the language of the unionist community,Daily Telegraph usage while others, such as The Guardian use the terms interchangeably.The Guardian example The media in the Republic of Ireland use the names preferred by nationalists.RTÉ News usage Whether this is an official editorial policy or a personal preference by the writers is unknown.
The division in nomenclature is seen particularly in sports and religions associated with one of the communities. Gaelic games use Derry, for example. Nor is there clear agreement on how to decide on a name. When the nationalist-controlled local council voted to re-name the city "Derry" unionists objected, stating that as it owed its city status to a Royal Charter, only a charter issued by the Queen could change the name. The Queen has not intervened on the matter and thus the council is now called "Derry City Council" while the city is still officially "Londonderry". Nevertheless, the council has printed two sets of stationery - one for each term - and their policy is to reply to correspondence
